1.Introduction

Sushi has evolved into a global sensation, winning the hearts and taste buds of people worldwide. While sushi has been enjoyed for centuries in Japan, it has also become a beloved staple in other Asian countries, such as Korea in the form of “bibimbap”. In Western nations, localized versions such as “Norwegian roll” and “Dragon roll” are also welcomed by consumers. The United States, in particular, is one of the most important designations of sushi’s globalization since sushi's global popularity was first established in the United States. The sushi boom in the1960s has made sushi a staple food of the American households, with an estimated 30 million Americans consuming sushi regularly today (Bestor 2000). Sushi’s cultural significance has become more complicated, reflecting the challenges and opportunities of globalization. Sushi has undoubtedly become a global commodity and a globalized food and it can no longer be reduced to a national dish. Therefore, the main research question is to investigate how sushi is consumed differently in the United States than it was traditionally consumed at its country of origin, Japan. As people are seeking more sustainable and nutritious diets, this paper also aims to discuss the health concerns related to sushi ranging from the sustainability to the nutrition of sushi in both Japan and the United States. This paper will serve as a comparative analysis of sushi's consumption patterns, nutrition value, and sustainability in Japan and the United States. 

2. Background 

Sushi is a Japanese dish of prepared vinegared rice, usually with some sugar and salt, accompanied by a variety of ingredients, such as seafood and vegetables. The global sushi boom started in the U.S. in the 1960s and 1970s and quickly spread to many parts of the world (Bestor 2000, p. 56; Cwiertka 2001, p. 15). Today there are sushi restaurants in many cities in Europe, Asia, Russia, India, Latin America, as well as Oceania, often serving localized versions of sushi. Sushi now is a global product with a transnational market “with diverse, international and eclectic forms” (Sakamoto 2011, p.1). 

Colàs noted in chapter 1 of his book "Food, Drink, and Modern Social Theory" that “treating food as a universal cultural object helps us to understand the structure and variation in social and sociopolitical organization” (Colàs 2018, p. 3). Colà’s theory that food has become a global commodity in our current economy is fundamental to my research question of how the food of sushi, with the simple ingredients of raw fish, rice, and seaweed, is prepared and consumed differently across the United States and Japan. Moreover, this theory is relevant to investigating how sushi localized adaptations reveal the exquisite variation in group identities, cultural and societal organization between U.S. and Japan. 

While there is existing research on the diffusion of sushi into the U.S.and its cultural significance in Japan, there is a lack of comparative studies on the sushi food ways of these two countries and a lack of quantitative data on sushi's consumption behavior in the U.S. (House 2004; Theodore 2010). Previous studies on sushi consumption patterns have either focused solely on Japan or the U.S. (Silva et al. 2006). Furthermore, comparative studies between Japan and other countries that consume sushi have been limited, with Norway being the only other country that has been used as a comparative subject (Altintzoglou et al. 2016). 

Therefore, this paper aims to fill the research gap by conducting a comparative analysis of sushi consumption patterns, cultural significance, and nutrition and sustainability concerns in Japan and the United States. By adopting a comparative framework, this paper seeks to provide a more comprehensive overview of the differences and similarities between the two countries' sushi food ways, which can reveal cultural and societal variations.

3. Historical overview of sushi in Japan and the United States 

Sushi, as a cultural symbol, has significant importance in both Japan and the United States. This section of the paper will provide a glimpse of sushi's culinary roots in Japan and describe the course of history in which it evolved into a popular cuisine of choice in Japan as well as in the United States over time.  

Historical overview of sushi in Japan

Sushi in Japan underwent major transformations due to political, geographical and cultural factors that made it the national dish in nowadays Japan. Sushi's roots can be traced back to the fourth century in Southeast Asia, where it was originally a method of preserving fish by fermenting it with rice. The earliest form of sushi, a dish known as narezushi, originated in paddy fields along rivers in Japan where farmers would “press cleaned fish between rice and salt by a heavy stone for a few weeks” (Feng 2012, p. 2). The lacto-fermentation process of fish with rice causes the rice to produce lactic acid, which helps farmers working in paddy fields preserve the fish for a longer period of time. It was customary to discard the rice and only consume the pickled fish (Feng 2012). This earliest form of sushi takes more than 2 months to prepare and it was considered time consuming and wasteful (Feng 2012). 

In the Muromachi Period (1336 to 1573), the lengthy fermentation process was eventually abandoned and replaced by slightly vinegaring the rice (Feng 2012). The surprising tartness and fragrance from corp produced a very refreshing taste for sushi. In the early 18th century, oshizushi, a box pressed sushi in a squared shape, was invented in Osaka (Feng 2012). However, it was a very primitive form of sushi, and is different from the delicate hand pressed sushi that consumers are familiar with today. It was not until the Edo period (1603–1868) that fresh fish was served over vinegared rice and nori.

During World War II, sushi, due to its small sizes and portability, became popular among soldiers. Also, based on the buddhist prohibition of killing and the Shinto tradition against the consumption of animal flesh, sushi again gained popularity and wide consumptions among people since fish was excluded from the meat taboo (Feng 2012). The lack of meat in the Japanese diet created a strong desire of tasty and oily fish for Japanese people’s taste buds. 

Japan's geography–--the agriculture and seafood farming practices—makes sushi even more well-suited to be the national cuisine of Japan. Japan is an island nation whose surrounding seas could “stretch from cold subarctic to warm tropical seas” (Feng 2012, p. 3), affording Japanese seas with a wide variety of seafood. The mountains on the island is also good for cultivating coax rice. Lastly, sushi is a representation of Japanese philosophy of retaining the most natural taste of things (Feng 2012). 

Historical overview of sushi in the U.S. 

Sushi's journey to becoming a popular food worldwide started  in the United States and went through three major stages: the consummation of sushi following World War II by Japanese Americans; the sale of sushi to white Americans from Japanese restaurant offerings in 1950s, and the opening of sushi bars in big cities (House 2018).

Sushi was being served in the United States by the early 1900s, following an influx of Japanese immigration, the Nikkei groups, after the Meiji Restoration and the wave of Japanophilia in American high society (House 2018). Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, U.S. newspaper articles repeatedly framed Japan as a desirable and feasible tourist destination. A sharp increase in wealthy Japanese business travelers to the U.S. also took place after the World War II thanks to Japan's postwar boost in economic strength (House 2018). The intersection of “US public hostility, Nikkei entrepreneurship, and the mutual philia between Japan and U.S.” led to the development of Japanese restaurant establishments in the U.S. (House 2018, p. 6). 

By 1967 a number of U.S. sushi restaurants had been established and were apparently being well-received by consumers (House 2018). As the Japanese labor flow into other major cities in the U.S. following the Immigration and Nationality Act, sushi bars also become more prevalent (Bestor 2000). The supply chain also became more mature where the U.S. fishing industry was able to supply appropriate species to sushi restaurants and mutual trade also was set up between the U.S. and Japan (House 2018). 

In conclusion, sushi's popularity in Japan did not happen overnight but rather resulted from a gradual familiarization among Japanese people due to the interplay of unique political situations, geography, and cultural beliefs. Similarly, the emergence and eventual popularity of sushi in the U.S. were shaped by multiple political and social factors. The strong cultural connection between Japan and the U.S. and friendly immigration policies towards Japanese people both aided in laying the necessary conditions for the establishment of sushi in the U.S..

4. Consumption behaviors of sushi in Japan and the United States 

Sushi comes in various styles, forms, and varieties, and its consumption requires following a delicate and sometimes confusing set of etiquettes. This section of the paper will compare the kinds of sushi, consumption demographics, and consumption behaviors of sushi to reveal differences between uses and users of sushi in Japan and the United States.  

Consumption demographics of sushi in Japan and the U.S. 

Food consumption behavior differed significantly between the U.S. and Japan. In the study "Sushi consumption rates and mercury levels in sushi: ethnic and demographic differences in exposure", the researchers interviewed 1289 people in a New Jersey community regarding sushi consumption, they found out that "92% of interviewees who ate fish, ate an average of 5.06 fish and fish-sushi meals/month; 77% of interviewees reported eating sushi with an average of 3.27 meals/month" (Burger et al. 2014, p.8). 

"The mean age of 70 percent of sushi consumers in this research was 24.9 ± 0.3 years (Burger et al. 2014). Overall, the sex distribution showed no difference, with 51% female consumers and 49 male consumers" (Burger et al. 2014, p. 8). The mean family income was $83,000 ± $3000 (Burger et al. 2014). 

However, the research done by Silva proved that the most common frequency (64%) for consuming sushi meals in Japan was between once and less than once a month, which is a much lower number than the number in Burger's research (Silva 2006, p. 5). Only "29% Japanese people preferred sushi meals 4–8 times per month, and only a few (3%) had the highest sushi consumption habit" (Silva 2006, p.5).  

Also, in Japan older age groups tend to consume sushi more often than younger groups. Of the sample (n=3020), young consumers’ (<31 years old) participation was about 14% and the major group (86%) consisted of middle-aged and older (>31 years old) consumers (Silva 2006, p.5). women prefer sushi meals more than men (57% vs 43%). Tuna is Japan’s most popular seafood, and demand for it is high throughout the year, with tuna sushi the most frequently purchased (Silva 2006, p.5). 

In summary, although the sample size of participants (n=1289) for the U.S. sushi consumption demographics is relatively small, it can be concluded that Americans consume sushi more frequently than Japanese individuals. On average, Americans consume 3.27 sushi meals per month, whereas Japanese individuals consume only 1 sushi meal per month. While there is not much variation in sushi consumption behaviors between genders in the U.S., women in Japan exhibit a greater preference for sushi than men. Additionally, in Japan, individuals over the age of 31 make up 86% of sushi consumers, while in the U.S., approximately 70% of sushi consumers are around 24.8 years old.

5. Nutrition value and sustainability of sushi in Japan and the United States 

As previously mentioned in section of the comparative analysis of sushi consumption behaviors in Japan and the United States, the nutritional value of sushi has evolved with its globalization and diffusion into the American market. The incorporation of locally sourced and locally unique ingredients into sushi has resulted in changes to its nutritional content. Given that fish is a key component of sushi, it is crucial to consider the sustainability of sushi consumption for a more eco-friendly future. Therefore, this section of the paper will examine the nutritional benefits of sustainable sushi consumption in both Japan and the United States.

American-style sushi, which incorporates locally sourced ingredients like avocado and cream cheese, has led to a higher calorie count compared to traditional Japanese sushi. Figure 4 showcases the most commonly consumed sushi rolls at Whole Foods Markets, and the data reveals that American sushi rolls contain between 160 to 197 calories per 100 grams, which is 50% higher in calories than a 100-gram Japanese salmon roll. Furthermore, American sushi rolls contain 1.5 to 2 times more fat than their Japanese counterparts.

6. Conclusion 

The significance of this paper lies in that it contributed to the lack of comparative studies on sushi's globalization. This paper expanded the existing literature by conducting a comparative analysis of sushi's history, consumption, nutrition value and sustainability in the U.S. and Japan from the perspective of globalization. By examining the history and evolution of sushi consumption in Japan and the United States, it sheds light on the complex interplay between political, economic, and social factors that shape global food trends. Furthermore, the comparison of sushi consumption in Japan and the United States highlights the unique cultural differences that inform customer preferences and consumption behavior.

However, recognizing the limited data on sushi consumption behavior in the U.S., this paper also highlights need for further research to investigate the quantitative aspects of consumption behavior in the U.S. Regarding the broader effects, this paper aim to contribute to ongoing conversation of globalization, cultural exchange, and the sustainability of sushi. It may have practical implications for the food industry and policy makers in terms of understanding consumer preferences and promoting food sustainability. 

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